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Comparative Politics,an international journal presenting scholarly articles devoted to the comparative analysis of political institutions and processes,communicates new ideas and research findings to social scientists, scholars, students, and public and NGO officials. The journal is indispensable to experts in universities, research organizations, foundations, embassies, and policymaking agencies throughout the earth.

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Welcome to the Journal of Comparative Politics Corby, Jennifer 2019-09-08T22:07:34+00:00

Book 54, Number two, January 2022

Regina Bateson, Voting for a Killer: Efraín Ríos Montt's Return to Politics in Democratic Guatamala

From 1982 to 1983, General Efraín Ríos Montt presided over an especially bloody period of the
Guatemalan civil state of war. Nether Ríos Montt'southward watch, the state killed approximately 75,000 of its
own citizens. Nonetheless less than a decade later on, the erstwhile dictator emerged as ane of the nigh popular
politicians in newly democratic Republic of guatemala. How did a gross human rights violator stage such an
improbable comeback? Using procedure tracing, I argue that Ríos Montt's trajectory is best
explained by his cover of populism every bit his core political strategy. This analysis deepens our
noesis of an important case, while shedding light on broader questions about how and when
actors with profoundly undemocratic values can hijack democracy for their own ends.

David Pion-Berlin and Igor Acácio, Explaining Military Responses to Protests in Latin American Democracies

Social protests are a feature of democracy in Latin America. When the police cannot handle them, governments, facing threats to their tenure, are tempted to order the armed forces to footstep in. The military, when ordered to deploy in counter-protest operations, exhibits behaviors ranging from disobedience to conditional and total compliance. The article investigates the sources of variation in military responses to mass protests, leveraging a pocket-sized-northward comparative analysis and a diverse example choice strategy. Information technology draws on qualitative evidence from Bolivia, Peru, and Republic of ecuador, democracies with a history of protests. It finds that a combination of the judicial risks soldiers assume if they repress, professional mission preferences, and social identity betwixt the military and the protesters are the most compelling explanations for military responses.

Eric Mosinger, Kai Thaler, Diana Paz García, and Charlotte Fowler, Civil Resistance in the Shadow of the Revolution: Historical Framing in Nicaragua'southward Sudden Uprising

Are long-standing, widespread grievances a necessary status for civil resistance campaigns? We argue historical framing can enable sudden mass uprisings even where long-standing anti-regime grievances are absent. Protestation cascades can develop to claiming relatively stable, pop governments through 4 interdependent historical framing mechanisms. First, protesters and bystanders may describe analogies to historical contentious episodes. 2d, individuals or groups may imagine themselves occupying paradigmatic roles from by popular struggles, offer prescriptions for activeness. 3rd, protesters can adopt symbolic and tactical repertoires from previous contentious episodes. Finally, protesters may concentrate protests within symbolic space. We develop our theory with bear witness from Nicaragua's 2018 mass uprising, which about toppled previously-pop President Daniel Ortega, after violence against protesters activated powerful frames resonating with Nicaragua's history of dictatorship and revolution.

Per F. Andersson, Taxation and Left-Wing Redistribution: The Politics of Consumption Tax in Britain and Sweden

Recent inquiry claims that the link between partisanship and policy is weak and that left-fly governments tax the poor surprisingly heavily. In this article, I fence that left-fly revenue enhancement depends on the institutional context, not constraints from unions or overall spending. Using novel information, I demonstrate that the left tax more regressively in countries using proportional balloter systems, and more than progressively in majoritarian countries. The political mechanism is evaluated in a comparison of Swedish and British tax policy after WWII. Dubiousness over hereafter influence made the left in Britain wary of consumption taxation, while the left in Sweden combined consumption tax with expanded social programs. Political risk shaped the strategies of key actors and helps explain the divergence in tax policy during this period.

Lucas González and Marcelo Nazareno, Resisting Equality: Subnational State Capture and the Unequal Distribution of Inequality

Inequality is unequally distributed across the territory, and national averages obscure this variation. Pockets of very high inequality persist at the subnational level of authorities, even when national governments implement large scale redistributive policies. This study investigates which factors at the subnational level may assistance explaining differences in income inequality across units. The main claim is that in subnational units where local economic elites capture provincial states by occupying relevant positions in their governments take lower taxes on land, spend less in social programs, have more repression of federal labor rights, and, as a effect, have college inequality. The study uses a big-N assay of original panel data for Argentina, presents a comparative written report of two cases, and explores some comparative implications in the conclusions.

Pär Zetterberg, Elin Bjarnegård, Melanie M. Hughes, and Pamela Paxton, Democracy and the Adoption of Balloter Gender Quotas Worldwide

This article theorizes and uses global and longitudinal information on gender quota laws to investigate how levels and dimensions of democracy touch the adoption of different quota types. Our results demonstrate that countries at centre levels of the commonwealth scale are more than likely to adopt quotas. Within this various group of countries, those that take relatively low levels of electoral contestation (i.e., limited political rights) are most probable to adopt reserved seats. On the other hand, the likelihood of adopting candidate quotas is highest in countries where the protection of civil liberties (i.due east., private freedoms of association, etc.) is moderately loftier. Our findings suggest that different levels and dimensions of democracy provide political actors with incentives and constraints that create distinct trajectories for quota adoption.

Yuan Wang, Executive Agency and State Chapters in Evolution: Comparison Sino-African Railways in Kenya and Federal democratic republic of ethiopia

Why practise infrastructure projects that are similar in nature develop along starkly different trajectories? This question sheds light on the varying country chapters of developing countries. Divergent from structural explanations that stress external agency and institutional explanations that emphasize bureaucratic capacity, I advise a political championship theory to explain the variance in states capacity of infrastructure commitment. I argue that when a projection is highly salient to leaders' survival, leaders commit to the projection; leaders with stiff authority build an implementation coalition, leading to higher effectiveness. I trace the process of the Standard Guess Railway in Kenya and Addis-Republic of djibouti Railway in Ethiopia, relying on over 180 interviews. This enquiry highlights the individual agency within structural and institutional constraints, a previously understudied surface area in land chapters.

Steven D. Schaaf, When Do Courts Constrain the Disciplinarian Land? Judicial Decision-Making in Jordan and Palestine

Under what conditions will authoritarian courts issue decisions that constrain land actors? This report breaks new footing in authoritarianism research by explaining when authoritarian states are—and are not—held answerable to legal norms. I leverage bear witness from interviews with Jordanian and Palestinian legal actors, original data on judicial decisions, and two years of fieldwork shadowing judges as they conducted business organisation in the courthouse. I notice that courts in Jordan and Palestine are inappreciably authorities pawns, as judges routinely prioritize their own interests higher up those of regime elites. My results besides demonstrate that lawsuits revealing instances of intra-state disunity are peculiarly good vehicles for expanding judicial potency over state activity and, further, that appellate courts are uniquely less capable of constraining country actors.

Volume 54, Number 2, January 2022 jmcorby 2022-01-05T17:19:thirty+00:00

Volume 54, Number 1, Oct 2021

Lindsay Mayka, The Power of Man Rights Frames in Urban Security: Lessons from Bogotá

Governments throughout the world invoke human rights ideas to motivate policy reforms. What bear on practise rights-based frames take on the policy process? I fence that rights-based frames tin can generate new resource and institutional opportunities that restructure battles over public policy. These resources and opportunities tin can both initially legitimate land interventions that violate rights, while besides creating openings to hold governments accountable for abuses committed by the state in the name of human rights. I develop this argument by analyzing a militarized security intervention in Bogotá, Republic of colombia, which the local government framed as necessary to cease the commercial sexual exploitation of children—yet yielded new rights violations. This article reveals the material consequences of human rights discourses in battles over policing and urban planning.

Gabrielle Kruks-Wisner, Great Expectations, Great Grievances: The Politics of Citizens

To complain to and about authorities is an essential political deed, with consequences for citizen-state relations. This commodity examines these dynamics in the policing sector, through a study of grievance redressal hearings in the Indian state of Madhya Pradesh. The hearings provide a critical channel to justice for some of the almost marginalized, including women. However, most participants become less satisfied following their hearings, as initial hopes are dashed against the constraints of local policing. The report highlights the promise and limits of formal complaints mechanisms, which can amplify citizens' voices but—when coupled with an expectations gap—can also deepen grievances. Complaining, I contend, is a powerful but at times paradoxical course of voice, conditioned by citizens' expectations and by state capacity.

Lasse Aaskoven and Jacob Nyrup, Performance and Promotions in an Autocracy: Evidence from Nazi Germany

Scholars of autocracies increasingly contend whether autocratic regimes promote their subordinates based on achievements, such as economic performance, and further a meritocratic arrangement. This article argues that the extent to which autocratic regimes reward economic performance is not constant over the course of an autocratic regime'south lifespan but varies depending on the strategic goals of the regime and the regime's ability to monitor its subordinates' performance. We collect a new dataset on the careers of the regional leaders of the High german Nazi Party, the Gauleiters, from 1936 to 1944, and a wealth of historical data sources from the regime. Using this, we show that better regional economic performance increased the chance of receiving a promotion before the outbreak of Earth War 2 only not subsequently.

Daniel Fedorowycz, Managing Ethnic Minorities with Country Non-Repression in Interwar Poland

Why were most ethnic minority organizations in interwar Poland permitted and sometimes encouraged by the state, when the ruling titular ethnic group pursued discriminatory policies against the same minority groups, faced hostility from these groups, and had the capacity to repress their organizations? Electric current literature focuses on repression as the chief strategy deployed by states to manage these relationships. This article, on the other mitt, asks why states allow minority organizations to operate. Using the logic of divide and dominion, this article demonstrates that, in the case of multi-ethnic states, a state may prefer a plurality of organizations representing a certain minority ethnic group, peculiarly if the grouping is restive, in order to ensure that a united opposition cannot legitimately threaten the country'southward political survival.

Jared Abbott, When Participation Wins Votes: Explaining the Emergence of Big-Calibration Participatory Republic

Why are big-scale participatory institutions implemented in some countries merely just adopted on paper in others? I argue that nationwide implementation of Binding Participatory Institutions (BPIs)––a critical subtype of participatory institutions––is dependent on the backing of a strong institutional supporter, oftentimes a party. In turn, parties will only implement BPIs if they place a lower value on the political costs than on the potential benefits of implementation. This will be true if: one) meaning societal need exists for BPI implementation and 2) the party's political opponents cannot take reward of BPIs for their own gain. I test this theory through two detailed case studies of Venezuela and Republic of ecuador, drawing on 165 interviews with key national-level actors and grassroots activists.

John M. Yasuda, Regulatory Land Building under Authoritarianism: Bureaucratic Contest, Global Embeddedness, and Regulatory Authorization in Prc

The regulator's existence nether authoritarianism is a precarious ane. They must carefully address the regime's desire for safer food, stable financial markets, and cleaner air without antagonizing politically favored firms or generating social unrest. At the same time, they face reputational pressures from their international counterparts to implement global best practices at home. This article highlights how enterprising officials have quietly sought to expand their authorization in the context of an authoritarian regulatory state. By focusing on aviation, financial services, food safety, and environmental protection in China, I highlight how agencies, responding to domestic bureaucratic contest and embeddedness in global networks, have led to the emergence of four singled-out types of regulatory authority: regulatory command, subversion, coordination, and ensnarement.

Sam Wilkins, Subnational Turnover, Accountability Politics, and Electoral Disciplinarian Survival: Evidence from Museveni's Uganda

Most not-democratic regimes engineer elections such that government change is effectively impossible via the ballot. Nonetheless, many of these elections run into high turnover of politicians at the subnational level, often through competitive processes that occur within ruling parties. This is the case for President Yoweri Museveni's dominant National Resistance Motion (NRM) in Republic of uganda, the ranks of which accept been decimated by intra-party competition at each election throughout its three decades in power. This contest includes loftier levels of voter participation in mass primaries and general elections and is particularly acute in the rural southern areas where Museveni's simultaneous presidential candidacy draws most support. Based on qualitative data from the 2016 elections, this article investigates the relationship between this local, intra-political party contest and Museveni's survival, building a theory that local competition in balloter authoritarian regimes tin can provide an outlet for accountability politics by redirecting widespread voter frustrations away from a regime and towards expendable local politicians.

Yuhua Wang, Review Article, State-in-Society 2.0: Toward Fourth-Generation Theories of the State

I characterize modern social scientific studies of the state equally comprising three generations: guild-centered, state-centered, and the state-in-social club approach. I then discuss how recent books past James Scott, David Stasavage, and Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson advance the literature past taking the unabridged history of human political development into account. Lastly, I build on recent contributions in the field to propose what I phone call a "Land-in-Society two.0" framework, in which state-society linkages through elite social networks shape the force and form of the state. The framework provides a potentially promising analytical perspective that sheds new light on the "meso-temporal" dynamics that link broad historical trends in state-society relations with country development outcomes in a variety of cases.

Book 54, Number 1, Oct 2021 jmcorby 2021-ten-13T22:12:12+00:00

Volume 53, Number 4, July 2021

Jimena Valdez, What Upper-case letter Wants: Business Interests and Labor Marketplace Reform in Portugal and Spain

Under what conditions are governments able to liberalize labor markets? I leverage the cases of Portugal and Kingdom of spain, two countries hit past the Eurozone crisis and constrained in their policy options, that diverge in the key measure mandated by international creditors to recover—the decentralization of commonage bargaining. Against the mutual assumption that the liberalization of labor is widely embraced past upper-case letter, I evidence that governments are only able to advance labor reforms when there is a leading industrial export sector that benefits from it and provides a powerful domestic social partner. I test this argument with in-depth qualitative data collected during twelve months of fieldwork in both countries, including 129 interviews with politicians, policy-makers, and members of business associations and labor confederations, among others.

Iosif Kovras and Stefano Pagliari, Crisis and Punishment? Explaining Politicians' Appetite for Retribution in Post-Crisis Europe

This article investigates the politics of holding banking company executives accountable for banking crises. The post-2008 financial crunch was characterized past a meaning variation in the endorsement of retributive justice. While some countries established special prosecutorial bodies and facilitated prosecutions, others relied on the existing prosecutorial mechanisms to seek out wrongdoing. The comparative experience of Iceland and Republic of cyprus shows that the unfolding of the crunch shapes the appetite of politicians for retributive justice. With a banking collapse, politicians will exist most proactive, as voters' need for justice is high and the risks for the banking industry are minimal. With a astringent yet negotiated crisis post-obit a bailout/bail-in, politicians are more reluctant to endorse policies that may run a risk the recovery of the delicate banking sector.

Anna Lührmann and Bryan Rooney, Autocratization by Decree: States of Emergency and Democratic Decline

States of emergency grant chief executives the power to bypass democratic constraints in order to combat existential threats. As such, they are ideal tools to erode democratic institutions while maintaining the illusion of constitutional legitimacy. Therefore, states of emergency should be associated with a heightened take a chance of autocratization––a decline in a government's democratic attributes. Despite this theoretical link and the gimmicky relevance of both autocratization and states of emergency, no prior study has empirically tested this human relationship. This article tests this human relationship using data on sixty democracies for 1974 to 2016. We find that democracies are 75 percent more likely to erode under a state of emergency. This evidence strongly suggests that states of emergency circumvent democratic processes in ways that might promote democratic refuse.

Kelly M. McMann, Matthew Maguire, John Gerring, Michael Coppedge, and Staffan I. Lindberg, Explaining Subnational Regime Variation: Country-Level Factors

Studies of a small number of countries have revealed that both democratic and not-autonomous subnational governments can exist within a single country. However, these works have neither demonstrated how common subnational regime variation is nor explained why some countries are more prone to it. This article does both. We show that subnational regime variation exists in all world regions, in both unitary and federal states, and in both the present and past, using Varieties of Democracy global information from 1900 to 2018. The commodity likewise demonstrates theoretically and empirically how social heterogeneity and factors undermining a national government's ability to extend control throughout a country promote this variation. Specifically, subnational regime variation is more common in countries that are ethnically diverse, rugged, and populous.

Harris Doshay, Solidarity or Distancing? How Official Status Influences Chinese Protestant Reactions to Repression

When facing state-backed repression, why do groups sometimes band together in solidarity and sometimes fail to exercise so? This study contributes to the literature on repression by studying how and why repressed groups react to repression, focusing on how registered civil society groups touch solidarity. Specifically, I trace the affect of the Chinese Communist Political party's Cross Demolition Campaign on patterns of solidarity and victim blaming amidst Christian Churches. I farther demonstrate conditions under which repressed group members go more fragmented and scattered rather than more unified. Based on evidence from threescore-four aristocracy and mass interviews, I find that registered groups' legibility constrains their members, thus enabling dynamics of victim-blaming that hinder solidarity and further empowering the despot to dissever and conquer potential opposition.

Gregory G. Thaler, Equifinality in the Smallholder Slot: Cash Ingather Development in the Brazilian Amazon and Indonesian Borneo

This commodity presents a comparative ethnography of the smallholder agroforestry projects of an international environmental organization. Migrant ranchers in Brazil sell cattle from individual properties in a heavily-deforested landscape. Ethnic farmers in Indonesia rely on subsistence food production on customary lands in a heavily-forested landscape. Despite these differences, the projects identify both migrant ranchers and ethnic farmers as "smallholders" and prescribe cash crop agroforestry as the solution to both their predicaments. In the face up of expanding ranches and plantations, this cash crop solution accepts the destruction of forest ecosystems and livelihoods as inevitable, funneling smallholders into market place agroforestry in agro-industrial landscapes. This article strengthens the case for comparative ethnography and challenges discursive conflations and political-economic biases of prevailing sustainable development policies.

Henry E. Hale and Volodymyr Kulyk, Aspirational Identity Politics and Support for Radical Reform: The Case of Postal service-Maidan Ukraine

How does ethnicity influence mass support for radical reforms? Treating ethnicity as a set of cognitively useful categories serving both ethnocentric and inclusive ends, we contend people tin can strive toward civic visions for their state notwithstanding interpret obstacles through "ethnic" lenses. Nosotros label this phenomenon aspirational identity politics, prominent when external aggressors exploit identity commonalities with home-land subpopulations. Consequently, ethnic cognition can facilitate radical reform support non only through ethnocentrism, but also past connecting prosocial dispositions to support for in-group favoring reforms. Accordingly, original survey data from Ukraine in 2017 reveal prosocial values improve predict support for nine radical reforms––including in-group favoring ones––than does ethnocentrism. Back up is also strongest among economically better-off people, indicating backing for radical reform is by and large more than about aspiration than desperation.

Jared Abbott and Benjamin Goldfrank, Review Article, Scaling-Up and Zooming-Out: Understanding How and When Participatory Institutions Matter

The three books reviewed here represent a new generation of rigorous scholarship on participatory institutions (PIs). They demonstrate that––under sure conditions––it is possible to build large-calibration PIs that strengthen autonomous governance and amend citizens' lives. Nonetheless, significant challenges remain. Due in part to the absence of either loftier-quality national-level comparative data or fine-grained subnational data, and in part to research design choices of existing studies, the literature remains limited in its capacity to make general claims about the causes and effects of large-scale PIs. Ultimately, the key question collectively addressed, but not fully answered, by the works reviewed is whether governments can build PIs that deliver on their hope to improve the quality of republic and raise public service provision on a large scale in diverse contexts beyond Brazil.

Volume 53, Number 4, July 2021 jmcorby 2021-06-17T22:21:09+00:00

Book 53, Number three, Apr 2021

Virginia Oliveros, Working for the Auto: Patronage Jobs and Political Services in
Argentina

Conventional wisdom posits that patronage jobs are distributed to supporters in exchange for political services. Simply why would public employees comply with the agreement and provide political services after receiving the task? Departing from existing explanations, I argue that patronage employees appoint in political activities because their jobs are tied to their patrons' political survival. Supporters' jobs will be maintained past the incumbent, but non past the opposition. Supporters, then, have incentives to assistance the incumbent, which makes their original delivery to provide political services a credible i. Using survey experiments embedded in a survey of 1,200 Argentine public employees, I bear witness that patronage employees are involved in political activities and that they believe their jobs are tied to the political success of the incumbent.

Denise van der Kamp, Can Constabulary Patrols Prevent Pollution? The Limits of Disciplinarian Ecology Governance in China

China's high-contour anti-pollution campaigns accept fueled theories of authoritarian ecology efficiency. In a government where bureaucrats are sensitive to top-down scrutiny, fundamental campaigns are expected to be powerful tool for reducing pollution. Focusing on China's nationwide pollution inspections entrada, I assess these claims of disciplinarian efficiency. I notice that central inspections (or "constabulary patrols") have no discernable impact on air pollution. I argue that inspections were ineffective because environmental enforcement requires a degree of sustained scrutiny that one-off campaigns cannot provide. The deterrent effect of inspections is too undercut by the government's ambivalence towards independent courts and unsupervised public participation. These findings suggest that China's obstacles to pollution enforcement may be greater than anticipated, and theories of authoritarian efficiency overlook gaps in authoritarian country chapters.

Kristen Kao and Lindsay J. Benstead, Female Electability in the Arab Globe: The Advantages of Intersectionality

Many studies of women'southward electability in the developing world focus on single traits such every bit gender, ethnicity, or religion. Employing an original survey experiment in Jordan, we examine the impacts of multiple, intersecting candidate identities on voter preferences. Nosotros show empirically that existing theories of balloter behavior lone cannot account for women's electability. An intersectional lens that considers how power structures shape electability and produce complex effects that must be empirically verified in dissimilar contexts is needed. Although less electable overall, female candidates fare equally well as males from similar social identity groups. Our findings underscore the need to apply intersectionality to theories of electoral behavior in the developing world and lay the groundwork for a larger research agenda explaining women's electability in Arab elections.

Dina Bishara, Precarious Collective Action: Unemployed Graduates Associations in the Middle East and North Africa

Why did unemployed university graduates form collective associations in some countries in the Middle East and North Africa merely not in others? Despite like levels of grievances around educated unemployment, reversals in guaranteed employment schemes, and similarly restrictive weather for mobilization, unemployed graduates' associations formed in Morocco and Tunisia but not in Arab republic of egypt. Conventional explanations—focused on grievances, political opportunities, or pre-existing organizational structures—cannot account for this variation. Instead, I signal to the ability of ideologically conducive frames for mobilization around the time that grievances become salient. A potent Leftist oriented tradition of student unionism in Kingdom of morocco and Tunisia was necessary for the emergence of a rights-based discourse effectually the "right to piece of work." This was not the example in Egypt, where Islamists, not Communists, dominated student politics at the time that grievances effectually educated unemployment became salient. This article offers i of the first comparative studies of the mobilization of the unemployed in a not-Western, non-democratic context.

Cesar Zucco Jr. and Timothy J. Ability, Fragmentation Without Cleavages? Endogenous Fractionalization in the Brazilian Party Organization

This article investigates the causes of party organisation hyperfragmentation in Brazil. We ask why hyperfragmentation—understood as extreme multipartism that continues to fractionalize—occurs despite meaning changes to social cleavages or to electoral rules. Using survey information from federal legislators, we rule out the possibility of new issue-based multidimensionality. Using new estimates of the ideological position of legislative parties, we evidence that new party entry was not driven by polarization or convergence among traditional parties. We advance an culling caption of "fragmentation without cleavages," arguing that changing dynamics of electoral list composition, federal political party funding, and coalition direction have inverse the context of political ambition. For strategically minded elites, it is more attractive than e'er before to exist a dominant thespian in a small party.

Alexander Hudson, Political Parties and Public Participation in Constitution Making: Legitimation, Distraction, or Existent Influence?

Over the past three decades, participatory methods of constitution making have gained increasing acceptance and are now an indispensable office of whatsoever constitution-making process. Despite this, we know picayune most how much public participation actually affects the constitution. This commodity investigates the touch on of participation in two groundbreaking cases: Brazil (1988) and South Africa (1996). This analysis demonstrates that public participation has relatively small furnishings on the text, merely that it varies in systematic means. The theory avant-garde hither posits that political party forcefulness (particularly in terms of bailiwick and programmatic commitments) is the key determinant of the effectiveness of public participation. Strong parties may be more effective in many means, but they are less probable to human action on input from the public in constitution-making processes.

Alexandre Pelletier, Competition for Religious Authority and Islamist Mobilization in Republic of indonesia

This article seeks to explain variations in the success of Islamist mobilization. It argues that Islamist groups practise better where contest for religious authority is intense. These religious "markets" are conducive to Islamist success because they one) lower the barriers of entry to new religious entrepreneurs, 2) incentivize established leaders to back up Islamist mobilization, and 3) push moderate leaders into silence. The commodity develops this theory by examining sub-regional variations in Islamist mobilization on the Indonesian island of Java. Using newly nerveless data on Java's fifteen,000 Islamic schools, it compares religious institutions across more than 100 regencies in Java. It besides uses dozens of field interviews with Indonesian Islamists and Muslim leaders to evidence where market structures have facilitated the growth of Islamist groups.

Rehan Rajay Jamil, Review Article, Agreement the Expansion of Latin America's New Social Welfare Regimes

Latin American countries take been described every bit truncated welfare states. However, the contempo expansion of innovative social welfare programs take brought millions of excluded citizens access to social benefits. This review article examines a new body of scholarship that studies how democratic political competition has created the institutional context for social welfare expansion. This literature makes several important contributions to the report of distributive politics. It moves across authorities blazon and party ideology and focuses on the nature of domestic political institutions and citizen-land linkages within Latin American democracies. Countries with robust political contest and denser ties to constituents have had the near all-encompassing welfare expansion, and non-partisan programs have undermined clientelism. In single political party dominated settings, the political incentives for informal and clientelist provision remains meaning.

Volume 53, Number three, April 2021 jmcorby 2021-03-22T19:40:17+00:00

Volume 53, Number 2, January 2021

Christopher Chambers-Ju, Adjustment Policies, Union Structures, and Strategies of Mobilization: Teacher Politics in United mexican states and Argentina

This article analyzes the evolving mobilizational strategies of robust unions in gimmicky Latin America. The origins of these strategies are rooted in the neoliberal adjustment policies in the early 1990s that compensated and reshaped ability relations in labor organizations. With matrimony compensation, a ascendant faction full-bodied ability and embraced instrumentalism; the union exchanged electoral support with various parties for particularistic benefits. When aligning policies were adopted without compensation, ability was dispersed in an archipelago of activists. Unions then relied on movementism, which centered on contentious demand making and resistance to partisan alliances. Comparing teachers in United mexican states and Argentina, this commodity contributes to broader debates nigh the effects of democracy on contentious politics and the changing partisan identities of workers.

Philip A. Martin, Giulia Piccolino, and Jeremy Southward. Speight, Ex-Rebel Authority after Civil War: Theory and Evidence from Côte d'Ivoire

How do former armed militants exercise local political power after civil wars end? Building on recent advances in the written report of "insubordinate rulers" and local goods provision past armed groups, this article offers a typology of ex-rebel commander dominance that emphasizes ii dimensions of former militants' ability: local-level ties to civilian populations ruled during ceremonious war and national-level ties to post-conflict country elites. Put together, these dimensions produce iv trajectories of ex-insubordinate authority. These trajectories shape whether and how ex-rebel commanders provide social appurtenances within mail-conflict communities and the durability of ex-rebels' local authority over time. We illustrate this typology with qualitative bear witness from northern Côte d'Ivoire. The framework yields theoretical insights about local orders afterward civil war, equally well as implications for peacebuilding policies.

Yasser Kureshi, When Judges Defy Dictators: An Audition-Based Framework to Explain the Emergence of Judicial Assertiveness against Authoritarian Regimes

Under what conditions do judiciaries act assertively against authoritarian regimes? I argue that the judiciary coalesces around institutional norms and preferences in response to the preferences of institutions and networks, or "audiences," with which judges interact, and which shape the careers and reputations of judges. Proposing a typology of judicial-regime relations, I demonstrate that the judiciary's affinity to authoritarian regimes diminishes equally these audiences grow independent from the regime. Using case law research, archival research, and interviews, I demonstrate the utility of the audience-based framework for explaining judicial behavior in authoritarian regimes by exploring cross-temporal variation beyond disciplinarian regimes in Islamic republic of pakistan. This study integrates ideas-based and interest-based explanations for judicial behavior in a generalizable framework for explaining variation in judicial assertiveness confronting authoritarian regimes.

Nicholas Kerr and Michael Wahman, Balloter Rulings and Public Trust in African Courts and Elections

On the African continent, where elections are often surrounded past accusations of fraud and manipulation, legal avenues for challenging elections may enhance ballot integrity and trust in political institutions. Court rulings on electoral petitions have consequences for the distribution of ability, but how do they shape public opinion? Nosotros theorize and study the way in which court rulings in relation to parliamentary election petitions shape public perceptions of election and judicial legitimacy. Using survey data from the 2016 Zambian election, our results advise that opposition voters rate quality of elections lower when courts nullify elections. However, judicial legitimacy seems unaffected even for voters in constituencies where the courts have shown independence vis à vis the executive and nullified parliamentary elections won by the governing party.

Justin J. Gengler, Bethany Shockley, and Michael C. Ewers, Refinancing the Rentier State: Welfare, Inequality, and Denizen Preferences toward Fiscal Reform in the Gulf Oil Monarchies

Against the properties of fiscal reform efforts in Middle East oil producers, this article proposes a general framework for understanding how citizens relate to welfare benefits in the rentier state then tests some observable implications using original survey data from the quintessential rentier country of Qatar. Using two novel choice experiments, we ask Qataris to choose between competing forms of economic subsidies and state spending, producing a clear and reliable ordering of welfare priorities. Expectations derived from the experiments well-nigh the individual-level determinants of rentier reform preferences are and then tested using data from a follow-up survey. Findings demonstrate the importance of non-excludable public goods, rather than private patronage, for upholding the rentier deal.

Suzanne Eastward. Scoggins, Rethinking Authoritarian Resilience and the Coercive Appliance

A state'south coercive apparatus tin be potent in some ways and weak in others. Using interview data from security personnel in Communist china, this report expands electric current conceptualizations of disciplinarian durability and coercive capacity to consider a wide range of security activities. While protest response in China is centrally controlled and stiff, other types of crime command are decentralized and systematically inadequate in ways that compromise the state'south coercive power and may ultimately feed dorsum into protest. Because security activities across protest control exposes cracks in People's republic of china's authoritarian organization of control—an expanse where information technology is typically perceived to thrive—and calls into question our understanding of government resilience likewise as our current approach to assessing the role coercive capacity plays in authoritarian resilience elsewhere.

Catherine Reyes-Housholder and Gwynn Thomas, Gendered Incentives, Party Support, and Viable Female Presidential Candidates in Latin America

Women hold less than 10 percent of chief executive positions worldwide. Understanding how women democratically access these posts requires theorizing how they gain resources from established parties to mount viable electoral campaigns. We argue that in stable regimes marked past representational malaise parties respond to gendered incentives and nominate female candidates. Drawing on Latin American cases, we prove how diverse parties nominated women in club to signal change or novelty, to credibly commit to "feminine" leadership and issues, and to mobilize female voters. A negative case depicts how a lack of representational critiques tin fail to incentivize parties to back women instead of men. Our focus on gendered incentives provides a new framework that places political parties at the centre of questions about women'due south balloter opportunities.

Gulnaz Sharafutdinova, Review Article, Domestic and Global Dimensions of Post-Communist Institution-Building

This article reviews four recent books that enquire into the nature and challenges of institution-building in the post-communist region. The master lessons learned from this scholarship relate to the complexity of establishing effective domestic institutions securing property rights and the role of various domestic and global factors that shape these processes. Domestic variables include political connections, bargaining power, and the nature of a social equilibrium that shapes norms, expectations, and behavior of economic actors. Global factors include structural constraints and opportunities associated with the global financial system and institutions.

Volume 53, Number 2, January 2021 jmcorby 2021-01-19T01:28:36+00:00

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